As one of Tanzania’s most important economic sectors and sources of foreign investment, tourism provides widespread opportunities for rent seeking and patronage activities among politicians. This trend is epitomised in the government’s relationship with the Otterlo Business Corporation (OBC), whose almost three-decade tenure in Tanzania has been plagued by allegations of corruption, human rights abuses and illicit hunting practices.
Endemic corruption has long rendered the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) ineffective in its role as governor and operator of Nigeria’s maritime ports, deterring investment and limiting economic development. However, the appointment of Hadiza Bala-Usman to head the critical parastatal promises an end to this trend, as President Muhammadu Buhari’s war against corruption turns to the country’s ports.
Following President Muhammadu Buhari’s public confirmation that he would seek re-election in 2019, campaign season in Nigeria has begun. Despite the advantages of incumbency, support for Buhari has dropped over the last three years and the APC appears to be turning its attention to developing its muted support base in the PDP stronghold of the south east in exchange for its support for an Igbo presidency in 2023.
Sport hunting in Tanzania has long been synonymous with government corruption, with access to the lucrative sector believed to be controlled by a small group of elite politicians. However, the appointment of a new Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism suggests an imminent end to this trend, as sport hunting has finally attracted the attention of President John Magufuli’s war against corruption.
Kidnap for ransom is a dominant form of criminality in the Niger Delta, having evolved from being a tool used by local militant groups - to simultaneously fund their campaign against the government and attract international attention - to a hugely profitable business in and of itself. This activity has grown to involve an extensive network of actors.
While 'conflict free' certification schemes for 3TG imports from the DRC are commendable, in practice their effectiveness remains limited. This is particularly apparent in their failures to address the less publicised issue of how artisanal and small-scale mining in the DRC contributes to environmental crime.
Sonangol’s complex relationship with the Presidential office has created a de facto parallel government. Over the years it has operated outwith the traditional remit of a national oil company, exercising undue political and economic influence to the benefit of a select few. However, a combination of low global oil prices and restructuring will likely serve to finally curb its influence.
With President Kabila and his close circle of allies retaining tight control over industrial mining in the DRC, it is vital that foreign investors learn how to navigate networks of exposed political elite and their various gatekeepers. Shadow Governance’s new report on mining in the DRC details the key power plays and power players.
Sinopec’s acquisition of Chevron’s downstream businesses in South Africa and Botswana is China’s first major investment into Africa’s downstream oil industry. With energy demand in Africa continuing to increase – and demand slowing in China – Chinese companies are consequently turning to foreign markets to secure further customers for continued growth. Conversely, these investments may merely be part of a wider politically-motivated plan aimed at promoting China’s political influence across, not only Africa, but the wider international community.
Free Article
The ruling Frelimo party has positioned itself as the sole arbitrator for negotiation and social mobility in Mozambique; and has developed a virtual monopoly over political and judicial positions, and holds influence over the private sector. In essence, Frelimo elites can be viewed as the gatekeepers of foreign investment.
The newly established Somali-Turkish relations is providing Erdoğan and his inner circle with a source of lucrative returns, which could soon be increased.
Free Article
Resource distribution, like all forms of informal mechanisms in Nigeria, is linked to the practice of godfatherism, and it is via this dynamic that several of Nigeria’s key economic elite built their empires.
  • 1 (current)
  • 2